Feminist Theory and Feminist Praxis

“Did feminist theory manifest from feminist praxis or did feminist praxis generate out of feminist theory?” In stating that feminist theory includes “an analysis of sexism, strategies for challenging patriar­chy, and new models of social interaction,” bell hooks suggests that feminist theory can be viewed as a framework to analyze various sources of power that hinder the equality of the sexes and foster discussion on how to fight these very sources (19). On the other hand, feminist praxis is more about acting or practicing, and it can be viewed as a way to implement feminist theory or further it. Using the history of women’s fight against various forms of oppression and the many works and speeches authored by feminist thinkers, feminist theory and feminist praxis can be understood as part of a continuous cycle.

The goal of feminism is to destroy the sources of oppression that prevent people from flourishing to their utmost potential because of the privileges that are hoarded by those who claim to be “superior.” bell hooks claims that the creation of feminist theory began as “individual women” came together in groups to talk about feminism (19). However, the Combahee River Collective and Cheryl Clarke reveal to the readers that even before the “Feminist Movement” began, women have been practicing feminism in their resistance to the power hoarded by men. Why can’t the decision by black women to reject the orders of the white slavemaster be considered as feminist praxis? The Combahee River Collective states that the “historical reality of Afro-American women's continuous life-and-death struggle for survival and liberation” was the origin of their feminism (n.pag). Cheryl Clarke writes that “For a woman to be a lesbian in a male-supremacist, capitalist, misogynist, racist, homophobic, imperialist culture… is an act of resistance” (128). Each scenario describes women acting in ways so as to destroy or challenge the power held by men–– oftentimes “the same slave master” (Clarke 128). Although they did not necessarily act under the label of “feminist praxis”, women have fought towards achieving the “goal” of feminism since the beginning of herstory.

In addition, authors have been able to use these early forms of feminist praxis to further feminist theory. hooks emphasizes that the “development of women’s publishing...became the site for the dissemination of feminist think­ing” (19-20). The very acts of writing articles, giving speeches, and “testing and reshaping our paradigms” not only constitute as feminist praxis but also lead to the construction of feminist theory (hooks 21). Changes and advancements in feminist theory like the coining of terms (such as intersectionality) encourage publication of work by other authors and lead to more discussion in the community. This shows how feminist theory and feminist praxis are linked together in a cycle.

However, hooks and Lorde warn readers and listeners about the consequences of gatekeeping feminist theory and intentionally excluding certain groups of women from contributing to feminist praxis. In discussing how the institutionalization of feminist studies eventually led to the formation of an “elite” feminist theory that “was written solely for an academic audience,” hooks emphasizes how this prevented feminism from becoming a “mass-based movement” (22, 24). Moreover, Lorde boldly informs her audience about the gross form of tokenism present at the conference as she was one of the only two black women invited to participate in the feminist discourse (n.pag). By highlighting the need for the movement to become more inclusive, Lorde signifies the importance of “interdependence between women” in order to promote a dialogue where all women can thrive. Lorde and hook’s words convey an underlying truth that if these divisions and exclusion of people in feminist theory and feminist praxis continue to exist, then “only the most narrow perimeters of change are possible and allowable” (Lorde).

Feminism is the social, political, and economic equality of all the sexes. Any form of intended feminist praxis that excludes women of color cannot be considered “feminist” because it goes against the aim of the feminist movement. To be more specific, instead of eliminating power, white women are trying to gain access to the source of the very power that ultimately led to the labelling of women as second class citizens. It is the continued existence of this power or source of oppression that has lead to the various injustices that women have to face (ex: rape, domestic violence). Therefore, if feminist theory and feminist praxis are driven together by all sexes, only then will the feminist movement reach its fullest potential in eradicating the power differentials that exist in the patriarchal world.

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Works Cited

Clarke, Cheryl. “Lesbianism: An Act of Resistance (1981).” Feminist Theory Reader: Local and

Global Perspectives. McCann, Carole R., and Seung-kyung Kim, editors, 2016, pp. 128-137.

hooks, bell. Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics. South End Press, 2000.

Lorde, Audre. “The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House (1979).” History is

a Weapon, www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/lordedismantle.html.

The Combahee River Collective. “The Combahee River Collective Statement (1977)”.

http://circuitous.org/scraps/combahee.html.